He should cut off the gas revenues that fund Myanmar’s junta.
The elected civilian leader, who was detained in a military coup last year, was sentenced to five years in prison in a corruption trial that was closed to the public.
Daily protests, once loud and colorful, have been replaced by an eerie quiet. To mark the anniversary of the military takeover, protest leaders have called for a “silent strike.”
Myanmar’s ousted civilian leader was convicted on three more counts, which her defenders said were politically motivated.
ဗမာ-အိုင်ယာလန် ကပြားမိသားစုတစ်စုက ပိတ်ဆို့အရေးယူမှု စစ်ဆေးမှုများကို ရှောင်ကွင်းလျက် မြန်မာ စစ်အစိုးရအတွက် လေယာဉ်များ၊ ကာကွယ်ရေး ရေဒါ၊ အခြားနည်းပညာနှင့် ကိရိယာများကို ကူညီဝယ်ယူ ပေးနေသော်လည်း အမြဲသူတော်ကောင်းစကားသာ ဆိုကြလေသည်။
A Burmese-Irish family said all the right things, even as it helped Myanmar’s rulers avoid sanctions scrutiny in buying airplanes, defense radar and more.
The number of defectors, while not enough to topple the Tatmadaw, is growing, galvanized by the nationwide anti-coup movement.
The release was a rare positive development in the country, which has been torn apart by violence since a February coup.
Prosecutors filed charges of terrorism and sedition against the journalist Danny Fenster, who once worked at a hard-hitting news outlet hated by Myanmar’s governing military.
Bill Richardson, a former ambassador to the U.N., said that he had held “productive” talks with the general who led the February coup. Rights activists said he gave the junta an air of legitimacy.
The United Nations has described the charges against the former leader as politically motivated. If convicted, she could face a maximum of 102 years in prison.
The junta, which seized power in February, said it was releasing the prisoners to mark the Lighting Festival, a three-day holiday that begins Tuesday.
The generals who seized power five months ago have shown no inclination to heed international pleas to reverse themselves, even as Myanmar slides into a failed state.
A resolution adopted Friday by the General Assembly is the most widespread condemnation yet of the Feb. 1 coup, a sharp diplomatic slap that contradicted the junta’s claim it has not been isolated.
Since the February coup, many physicians have refused to work at state-run hospitals. “I will never blame the doctors,” said a patient whose treatment stopped.
Police are now stopping random people on the streets. A group of secret informers has reappeared. The killings continue, but so does the resistance.
Critics feared that Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing’s presence at the meeting in Indonesia would give his regime the appearance of legitimacy.
An unholy alliance between the two military governments will delay a return to democracy in both countries.
What began as peaceful demonstrations against the military coup has rapidly grown into a resistance movement in which citizens use improvised weapons to fight the junta.
How the country became primed for a sort of violence, and a sort of dictatorship, that had grown rare.
Four officers spoke about life in the feared Tatmadaw, which has turned its guns on civilians again. For most soldiers, one said, “The Tatmadaw is the only world.”
As the nation’s military kills, assaults and terrorizes unarmed civilians each day, some protesters say there is no choice but to fight the army on its own terms.
From hospitals, railways and dockyards to schools, shops and trading houses, the country is at a standstill. Strikers hope their actions will force the army to return power after its coup on Feb. 1.
The generals who staged a coup last month use surveillance drones, iPhone cracking devices and hacking software, some of it from Western countries that bar sales of such technology to Myanmar.
The world must get behind Burmese protesters fighting against military rule.
In the countrywide protests against the coup, nobody is talking about the future of the persecuted Rohingya minority.
Two weeks after the military took power in a coup, growing work stoppages are undermining the ruling generals’ attempt to assert authority over an angry population.
No. But the deposed government and its backers urgently need a concrete plan to foil the military’s divide-and-conquer strategy.
Armored vehicles rolled in along with soldiers in camouflage in cities across the country as generals moved to crush the protest movement against the Feb. 1 military coup.
Civil society groups say a proposed measure to limit online expression and privacy rights could lead to mass arrests of those who criticize the military government.
It was the first concrete step the U.S. government has taken since President Biden demanded that the generals restore democracy and release Myanmar’s civilian leader.
Dozens of arrests, beatings by mysterious thugs and telecommunication cutoffs are the new reality across the country. But civil disobedience defiantly persists.
As the United States and other nations denounce the coup, China has a chance to build up its influence. But Myanmar’s generals are difficult partners.
The party of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi won an election landslide in November. But with its singular leader once again in detention, the future of the National League for Democracy is unclear.
It felt like being transported back to the old, isolated country.
With the coup, the generals are ripping apart their prized project: a democratic front for a political system that still heavily favored them.
Myanmar seemed to be building a peaceful transition to civilian governance. Instead, a personal struggle between military and civilian leaders brought it all down.
Why take over if you’re already in charge?
The army’s detention of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi brought an abrupt end to the theory that she might strike a workable balance between civilian and military power.
Communications were suspended and flights disrupted as the military took power from an elected government and declared a one-year state of emergency.
Images from the day when the country’s democratic experiment collapsed.
The explanation is much more paradoxical than just popularity.
The vote on Sunday will render a verdict not only on the country’s fragile constitutional settlement but also on its civilian leader, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.